Hemingway and the high cost of war

July 8 is the anniversary of nearly-19-year-old Ernest Hemingway becoming one of the first Americans wounded in World War I. There are a few things that ought to be said about that, including some from the other side, from Hemingway himself.

March 3, 2013

Have been re-reading Charles A. Fenton’s wonderful book, The Apprenticeship of Ernest Hemingway, published in 1954.

All accounts agree that young Hemingway was a tremendously sensitive, complicated organism. And then, shortly after mid night, July 8, 1918, an Austrian shell hit the front-line trench where he was distributing chocolates and cigarettes to the Italian soldiers. Two men next to him were killed. He was wounded by more than 200 pieces of shrapnel. Being wounded in the middle of the night, a couple of weeks before your 19th birthday, is not the kind of thing that leaves you unscathed. If nothing else, it is going to shatter your assumption of your own mortality,

Elementary, but in those seemingly innocent days, nearly 100 years ago now, nobody had heard of post-traumatic-stress syndrome, nor of combat fatigue. They knew of shell-shock, but they hadn’t yet learned that its effects could last a lifetime.  Two brief excerpts make a point that is often lost:

“[Hemingway’s friend Carl] Edgar was much impressed by the impact the war had so evidently made on Hemingway. `He came back,’ Edger once said, `figuratively as well as literally shot to pieces.’ Edger concluded that the intensity of Hemingway’s desire to write was  directly connected to the war. `He seemed to have a tremendous need to express the things that he had felt and seen.’ (p. 72)

Many years later, Hemingway friend Bill Horne said ,“`Hemingway, to my own certain knowledge,’ never threw off his experiences in the war.’” (p. 73)

Hemingway was the first American to be wounded in Italy. [One had been killed, but Hemingway was the first to be wounded and survive.] Months of recuperation among veterans followed, as did the experience of falling in love and being jilted.

An Industrial Accident

Wednesday, March 9, 2011, 4:20 AM. Papa, using this cane yesterday and this morning [having injured an ankle in a trivial accident], I was thinking about you. It was romantic, that limping around — but it wasn’t only romantic.

No, it wasn’t only romantic. It was a damn nuisance, as well. And it was a loss that was bearable because it had meaning as an honorable war wound. Only with the coming of time did I start to feel it as an industrial accident, and then saw the other woundeds as equally the result of industrial accidents, regardless of their valor — an important point people often miss. And from there it became possible to see the entire war not as a crusade of right versus wrong — which is how it had been sold to us, how we had sold it to ourselves — but as one colossal industrial accident that had maimed us for no particular reason.
If you understand how I came to see it that way, you’ll understand better my attitude toward the second world war. I went into that one without illusions. The men at war were a fascinating phenomenon, and the war had to be won, but as evil as the Nazis were, they were only evil in a different way from the people running England and France, not to mention Russia and the little dictatorships all over Europe. The little countries weren’t so much to blame, but their sufferings were as much the result of geography and history as of anybody’s evil intent. You might say that the invasion of Belgium both times, and Holland and Denmark and all, the second time, were another form of industrial accident.

That’s a lot of insight to get from your wounding.

From my wounding, but also from some reporting for the [Toronto] Star after my wounding. The Turkish war showed me World War I in miniature and in retrospect. It is all there in Farewell To Arms and The Sun Also Rises, but you have to be able to see that my perceptions were neither simple-minded nor trendy nor the party line. And God knows, I wasn’t advocating that anybody live like Brett or Mike or even Jake. I was just describing the emotional aftermath of one giant industrial accident.

With time it became clear that this accident was still in progress. As you’ve seen and see and are going to continue to see. It’s hard to get too excited about Progress and the Rights Of Man and the Victory of this or that principle, when you see that it is mostly illusion on some people’s part and deception on other people’s part and what you would call general unconsciousness on everybody’s part living through it. It’s just that I was wounded so quickly that I had just what I had wanted when I shipped out! I was a hero, or as much of a hero as you can be when you are wounded out of the blue — or out of the black, to be more accurate — with no combat involved.

And isn’t that how nearly all the boys and men were injured and killed, after all? If you are torn apart — a little bit or extensively or entirely — by high explosive thrown at you from a distance, by somebody you never saw, who knew or cared nothing about you except maybe as an abstract representation of “the enemy” — the valor involved is entirely different from a cavalry charge, say, or a sword fight or even a duel of rifles at point-blank range. The soldiers saw it, whether the officers did or not, in the Civil War, 50 years earlier. Getting blown to bits by artillery fire while you hide from it in trenches was exactly what was happening in France and Italy in 1918. It was a world of difference from warfare as it existed in 1861, let alone in the Napoleonic era, say.

And when you were wounded you were a little embarrassed that you hadn’t been doing anything heroic.

Exactly. The experience didn’t match what we had been fed about it — mostly lies, of course, as usual in war — so at first I assumed there was something wrong with me. So, I dressed up the story to make it bearable, so I wouldn’t feel like a pretender.

You had to pretend to avoid feeling like a pretender.

Yeah, crazy, isn’t it? But I didn’t see it that clearly then, and maybe you weren’t so clear yourself when you were 19. The real soldiers, the ones who had gotten wounded after long service, saw through me at once when I paraded through all decorated. They knew, you see. I was still seeing through civilian eyes, and the eyes of a kid who had just arrived, like a new recruit in 1864 would have been among men who had been wounded at Gettysburg and were still recuperating, or who had just been wounded at Forts Hell and Damnation. They knew, and I didn’t, even though my industrial accident had given me a spurious membership in the club. It was okay for me to use the clubs facilities, but I was an honorary member, and they knew it and made it plain.
Now, it’s funny how life works. I was an innocent, though I didn’t quite realize it because I was such a fast learner. My few months as a reporter in Kansas City had given me enough of a peek into the lives of the men who kept things going, like police and firemen, and the lives of people who had had their own industrial accidents (though I didn’t think of them that way yet) that I thought I had become hard-boiled. I felt toughened and knowledgeable. And of course I was so green, so much living in image and illusion, and everyone around me knew it, but I didn’t know it.

So — I pretended my way through a succession of roles, altering the part as I went, learning from observation how the real heroes acted, figuring out how they felt, and mimicking them when safely not in their presence. This whole sequence was invaluable when I came to become a writer, for what is a writer of fiction if not somebody who gets inside somebody else’s skin and describes how the world looks from there?
And the result was that even when I was back home, or in Chicago, and I was still playing the role, I was feeling my way to a reevaluation of what I had expected to feel and what I really had felt; what I thought was the way things are, and what I had really found them to be. I pretended, or posed, maybe we should say, and it gave me cover, and with time I learned what had happened to me, and then I could start to express it.

I get that as others wrote their experiences, you learned from that too.

Well, sure. You think writers can always write and never read?  Reading other people’s stuff is a prime window on their world, and some things are going to be obvious, and some you’ll reject and some are going to surprise you and lead you to think about things differently.

Thursday, April 29, 2010. I find myself recurrently thinking about — brooding on — Hemingway’s emotional life. I feel that I understand him as perhaps his biographers do not, quite. So, papa — what would you like to say about your life and/or reading and/or experiences.

I came out of the hospital in Italy as Jack London came out of the bars in the Klondike, with no first-hand experience, but a wealth of secondhand experience. After all, I had never fired a rifle at an opponent, and hadn’t even had the preliminary fear of going into combat. The shell that injured me was a bolt out of the blue to a boy who assumed his own invulnerability. So what I knew was pain and suffering and irrational fear. Everything else was second-hand; the life in the lines, the comradeship of arms, the mixtures of fears and courage that filled people at different times, the nature of the Italians.
I was on slightly more first-hand ground with the love affair, except I glamorized it, adding an older man’s perspective on a very young man’s experience. I killed Agnes as I had had to kill my love for her when she rejected me — but the emotions and experiences Frederick Henry had were those I learned much later in life than 18. So to that extent there is a fairytale element in the love story.
All right, I romanced, telling my story to the press and to my fellows at home. I told it as I dreamed it, rather than as it was. You could look at it as novelizing without the writing of it. But the things that I pretended had happened to me, I knew, even though secondhand.

I do see that. And of course you and I discussed this somewhat three years ago when I read The Young Hemingway while in England.

Well, this is the foundation for understanding my later life, you see. Not Paris, not my upbringing, not the things that happened in Spain and all. Being wounded without warning, being the first of the Americans in the hospital, listening for many months to the real veterans, being able to pretend I was a veteran too, and sort of feeling that because of my wounds, I was. And then knowing that I had a whole extra life to lead, for I could have been killed, even was killed, but came back –. This was the central experience of my life, and it came before I was 20.

[And, just for the record, for those people who think Hemingway liked war, this, which came to me out of nowhere on April 14, 2011, about Fukushima:. It was as if i could hear his voice: the words were quite plain. He said, “If you want to understand my attitude toward war, just combine your admiration for the men who are doing their heroic best [to clean up the mess] and your sympathy and pity for them and their families, with your anger and disgust at the decisions that made this all possible, and the people (and their motives) who made the decisions. Nothing is different.”]

Emotion and telepathy

Wednesday January 23, 2019

Watching Peter Jackson’s 90-minute film “They Shall Not Grow Old,” comprising restored footage of British doughboys in World War I, I remembered an experience I had in 2001 or 2002. I was in London, walking near Trafalgar Square, trying to give David Poynter (experienced as a past life) a sense of modern London, knowing that he would recognize the buildings, which are essentially unchanged since his time. I walked down to the Embankment, the north shore of the Thames, reading the monuments, not particularly moved, but interested.

Then I came to one that said only “July 1, 1916,” and although I had no idea what it referred to, I was instantly filled with the most violent rush of emotion I have ever experienced: rage, grief, indignation, despair. I realized, this was David’s reaction I was experiencing, though I was pretty sure he himself had not been in the war. So after I saw the movie, I searched both “the Battle of the Somme” and “July 1, 1916.”

So, David, let’s talk about July 1, 1916. What was the nature and source of that upwelling of anguish that I experienced?

You felt correctly that I was not in the war. I was past the age of enlistment, and perhaps could not have stood the physical toll. But neither was I caught up in war fever. My sympathies were with the poor. The warfare that interested me was an uprising against the forces that were grinding the faces of the people. I don’t mean insurrection – that couldn’t happen – but organized resistance to the overwhelming combinations of force and law and opinion that held society in an unfailing grip.

You were a socialist, I remember thinking.

I was. But my socialism did not have its roots in a belief in materialism, so I was somewhat out of the socialist mainstream in the same way you have always found yourself out of the mainstream of political opinion – and for the same reasons. Any social movement necessarily presumes certain commonly accepted beliefs, and to the extent that you cannot share them, you find yourself having to go along unwillingly, or with mental reservations. This does not tend to make you an effective partisan.

When war broke out in August, 1914, there was a unanimity of emotion, an enthusiastic springing to arms, a lust to destroy. People didn’t realize it, but they were desperate to destroy the lives they were leading. They wanted to tear down the structure, but they thought they were tearing at something that threatened them from outside.

A socialist could see that, if he could keep his head against the group-think. Was I keen to fight for the King-Emperor and the social system I despised? Only it was not so simple. Is it ever? German autocracy as personified – almost as caricatured – by the Kaiser was clearly worse. Privately I deplored the war and did not believe in it – and yet, at the same time, I deplored Prussian autocracy even more, and certainly could not have rooted for a victory of Germany. I sat on the sideline. I observed, I remained conscious, but this only got more agonizing as time went on.

I got that you were an editor at the London Illustrated News.

We would call it a sub-editor. I was a selector of photographs and illustrations, a glorified caption-writer. It was not a glamorous nor an influential position, but it did keep me somewhat better informed than the average man in the street. I had been there for some three years, maybe four, by the time the war began, and I was there for a decade or so after the war concluded.

Surely you had to do some official drum-banging for the war.

Less than you might think. If I kept to describing specifics, there was no need to hint at the self-destructive futility of it, not that any such hints would have had any result beyond getting me fired. But the anguish cumulated as the months dragged on. You cannot envision the change from 1914, when the war would surely be over by Christmas, to 1915, 1916, 1917, 1918, when it clearly was going to go on forever. In 1914, even in 1915, it was possible to imagine that the end of the war would find us unchanged. By 1916, certainly by 1917, it was clear to those with eyes to see that nobody was going to win this war, and it was about who would lose it more thoroughly. The one date that marked that change more than any other was July 1, 1916.

I looked it up yesterday: 57,000 casualties in one day – 19,000 of them killed – the worst day for casualties in British history. The beginning of a 141-day battle that cost more than 400,000 British casualties and resulted in a six-mile advance over a 16-mile front. To my surprise, I saw that it was no longer considered to be useless butchery that accomplished nothing. Some think it led to the beginning of the end for the Germans, for reasons I won’t go into.

But you asked for the source of my reaction, which you felt that day, and my reactions had nothing to do with questions of strategy, nor even with the question of was it worthwhile even in its own military terms. Mine were rooted in something deeper.

I can feel a certain complication here, a reluctance to dip into it.

Yes, it is powerful, isn’t it, still? What you are calling first-tier and second-tier effects. And the third-tier effect went into the making of you, you understand.

In that you are a dominant strand comprising me.

Yes. You might be fascinated reading about military history (that was another strand’s influence, of course) but you could not enter whole-heartedly into such a career even if your health had allowed, because I knew better.

How do you think I felt, watching without being able to do anything, as a generation of young men was ground into the mud in France, and Gallipoli? Futility, official stupidity, dirty motives of politicians, economics behind it all, deliberate whipping-up of public hatred. It stank, and there was no way out except through it, by way of killing, killing, killing. Just as for many people Sept. 11, 2001, marks the end of one era and the beginning of another, so for me July 1, 1916, marks the end of a relatively innocent age. World War I destroyed Edwardian society.

So to focus in specifically on what I felt that day in London –

Imagine concentrating your emotional reaction to all the wrong-turnings you have witnessed in your life, and spraying them out in one burst, like a capacitor discharging. That’s what you were on the receiving end of. You are thinking of it as if I were sending you a message and you were receiving it. That’s the same idea people in my day had about what telepathy was. But, change metaphors and the nature of the event will become clearer. Think of something that equalizes with something else when brought into contact, the way water seeks its own level. Say you were in the Panama Canal and someone opened the gate between your lock and the adjacent one. The water might come in quickly or slowly overall, but it would come from the higher level to the lower as quickly as it could. The higher lock didn’t “send,” exactly, and the lower one didn’t “receive” in the way people think of telepathy as being sent and received. Instead, in the absence of a barrier, the water naturally sought its own level. A lightning bolt may be seen as the equalization of energy too, violently and suddenly.

So you are saying it wasn’t that you were trying to send a message, but that time and place created the spark?

As you intuited, place is an important part of this.

I have always wondered why ghosts haunt specific places, and why they mark anniversaries.

And now perhaps you see the answer. This is one world, not a physical and a separate non-physical world. Therefore place matters; time matters. Only, it is a matter of conceiving of things correctly. One might say the first of July, 1916 was in 3D on that date, and subsequently is in non-3D only. Yet it is not gone, as conventional thinking would have it. The non-3D version of events does not pass away, any more than other time-space combinations pass away when the living present moment passes on beyond them. But if you were to stand on the Marne battlefield today, it would be the same place (to all extents and purposes), which might facilitate your communication with that place-time that is otherwise difficult or impossible to reach.

When you reconceptualize the world to remove certain thought-barriers, sudden inflows of knowledge and being are enabled to occur. Such barriers include:

  • I am only a 3D being
  • Those in the non-3D are accessible only through effort and practice, and perhaps special talent.
  • The past is beyond touching.
  • The future is “the” future, and in any case does not yet exist.
  • The world is physical and external, rather than mental and internal.
  • We are each alone.
  • “On the other side there is no time.”
  • The 3D and non-3D worlds have little or nothing to do with each other.
  • Mental, spiritual, and physical are three realities, rather than merely three words describing reality from different viewpoints.

Happy re-birthday, Papa

July 2 is sort of a sad anniversary., being the day, in 1961, that Ernest Hemingway killed himself.

He was physically debilitated and in continual pain as the result of two successive airplane crashes seven years before.

He was mentally ill, tortured by phobias that the doctors couldn’t help him get free of.

He was depressed, and the barbarous regimen of electric shock treatments that were supposed to help him, instead destroyed his memories.

He was old, and beat-up, and tired. A life led at double speed had made him old before his time. A series of concussions had done physical damage that was unrecognized at the time, leading to symptoms the doctors tried to cure with shock treatments, which (it was realized only long after Hemingway’s death) actually made things worse.

He could see that his writing career was over. His intense physical enjoyment of the world was over. This intensely sensory, intensely intuitive artist had run out of road.

July 2, 1961, is the day he finally succeeded in making what he used to call “the family exit.” He put a shotgun to his head and pulled the triggers, and his 3D life was over.

Oh, but what a ride it had been! I wrote about it in novelized form, as Papa’s Trial: Hemingway in the Afterlife. There is always a temptation to think of life as a tragedy because it ends in death. Hemingway himself thought that way. But there’s another way to look at it, that makes more sense to me. If every 3D life comes to an end, how can the fact that we have to die be a tragedy? It’s just part of the deal.

Over the past quarter-century, I came to feel particularly close to this remarkable man. I can’t think he was wrong to  kill himself and get out of an impossible situation. It makes more sense, to me, to think of July 2 as the day he began the next phase in the unending life we all must live.

Happy re-birthday, Papa.

 

Romantic backlash? Or new beginnings?

For a long time, The Guys Upstairs have told us that whenever we move into a new era, it will be made up partly of new elements, partly of elements previously rejected and thought of as superstition, or error. We’re seeing that now, I think. The attached article from The Guardian makes the point. (If the link doesn’t work, copy-paste this URL and go to it directly:

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2023/dec/28/new-romanticism-technology-backlash

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2023/dec/28/new-romanticism-technology-backlash

You will note that the author of this somewhat thoughtful piece seems to assume that astrology, for instance, is a bit of leftover superstition that is now making its way back into the  mainstream. Perhaps I mistake his bias. But if I am right, all I can say is, Carl Jung used it to obtain valid insights into patients, and if it was good enough for him, it’s good enough for me.

The piece is worth reading if only for whatever new associations it may raise in your own mind.

Some statements of truth

I will do for Matthias Desmet’s book The Psychology of Totalitarianism what I am always wishing someone would do for my books, particularly The Cosmic Internet. A few quotations from a little book I read in two days with that sense of delighted recognition one gets so few times in a long lifetime of reading.

& & &

“Truth-telling is a way of speaking that breaks through an established, if implicit, social consensus. Whoever speaks the truth breaks open the solidified story in which the group seeks refuge, ease, and security. This makes speaking the truth a dangerous endeavor. It strikes fear in the group, and results in anger and aggression.” (p. 13)

& & &

“That’s how most people eventually become certain. Very certain. Yet of the most opposing things. Some people were convinced that we were dealing with a killer virus, others that it was nothing more than the seasonal flu, and still others believed that the virus did not even exist and that we were dealing with a worldwide conspiracy. And there were also a few who continued to tolerate uncertainty and kept asking themselves: How can we adequately understand what is going on in our society?” (p. 6)

& & &

“The ultimate achievement of science is that it finally surrenders, that it comes to the realization that it cannot be the guiding principle for man. It is not human reason that is at the heart of matter, but man as an individual who makes ethical and moral choices, man in relation to fellow man, man in relation to the unnamable, which, at the heart of things, speaks to him.” (p. 16)

& & &

“Mechanistic ideology always lives on credit! In the future, once perfect knowledge has been achieved and perfect technology has been mastered, it will translocate the man-machine into paradise. Yet for now, it mainly makes people sick and depressed.” (p. 46)

& & &

“With respect to the leaders, mass-formation gives rise to two opposing attitudes: Either one trusts the leaders blindly (and disappears into the mass), or one completely distrusts them and sees them as people who knowingly carry out an evil plan (i.e. conspirators). In a certain sense, both extreme perspectives are based on a similar misunderstanding: They fallaciously endow the leaders with a virtually absolute knowledge (and power); the first group does so in a positive sense, the second group in a negative sense.” (p. 105)

& & &

“The Enlightenment man, too, was brought up in a myth, a story that tells something about his origin, that makes him take a certain perspective on life and links his negative and positive emotions and affects to specific situations.” (p. 172)

& & &

“The end point of science is not reached with a perfectly rational understanding and control of reality; instead, it lies in the final acceptance that there are limits to human rationality, that knowledge does not belong to man, but has to be situated in the wider system of which man forms a part.” (pp. 177-8)

& & &

“The ultimate knowledge lies outside of man. It vibrates in all things. And man is able to receive it, by tuning his vibrations, like a string, to the frequency of things. And the more man is able to set aside prejudices and beliefs, the more purely he will vibrate with the things around him and receive new knowledge.” (p. 184)

& & &

“Literally: To the degree that we can connect with what is outside ourselves, we are able to transcend our own boundaries and our own world of experience gets expanded to an existence that extends endlessly in time and space. Through resonance with the greater plan, we participate in the timelessness of the universe, like a reed rustling in the eternal air of life.” (p. 186)

& & &

And finally, this, which is the first time I have ever been moved to quote form an “Acknowledgements” page:

“We cannot describe in words where words come from. But we do know where words go – they are always on their way to Another. Man is a narrow passage through which words pass on their journey from source to Other.” (p. 189)

& & &

It was a great refreshment, reading this book. I doubt that Matthias Desmet makes a practice of talking to his guys upstairs (at least, if he does, I doubt he does so knowingly). He has a scientifically trained mind, which I do not have. Yet his life has brought him to conclusions quite compatible with what the guys have been telling us for more than 20 years..

I can think of no experience more delightful and encouraging than to read an honest man’s careful and skillful attempt to lay out the plain truth, as best he can, knowing that truth may be offered freely, but can by transmitted only to those able to receive it.

 

All good things …

For months now, every Sunday, I have been posting on Facebook excerpts from my uncompleted history of the United States. Those who followed the plan remember that it started at the year 2000 and worked backwards. Well, we haven’t come to the end of the trail, but we’ve come to the end of what I have written. In the immortal words of Porky Pig, that’s all, folks.

As to whether I shall ever complete it, that’s in the lap of the gods. My primary work is not this history, which was begun at the instigation of my friend Charles Sides, but my conversations with various non-physical entities that i lump under the name The Guys Upstairs.  There’s plenty of work to do, going back over years of communications and posting the most important ones. This I do on a daily basis on this blog, and will continue to do for the foreseeable future. But maybe at some time I will be able to return to the history. The difficulty is that as I see it now, it requires pretty much a total rewrite, and I’m not sure I’m up to that.

In any case, onward and upward.

The Albany Congress of 1754

It isn’t always easy to tell success from failure, even long after the fact. The Albany Congress made specific proposals. The British Colonial Office turned them down. So did every one of the legislatures from the seven colonies that had sent representatives. Nothing proposed was ever implemented. And yet Benjamin Franklin, much later, said that had its proposal been implemented, the Revolutionary War probably wouldn’t have happened.

Pretty extravagant language for a conference of only 21 delegates, representing only the northern seven of the 13 colonies, meeting for only three weeks. Justified?

Well, that conference eventually became seen as the colonists’ first attempt at continental unity, and many elements of the plan it proposed were implemented in the Articles of Confederation and then the Constitution.

The summer of 1754 was the beginning of the French and Indian War in North America. Washington’s encounter in May made it clear that war with France was likely. Even if it didn’t come to that, there were other matters of common concern, most particularly how to achieve better relations with the Indian nations on the frontiers of the colonies.

The legislatures of the (then) four New England states, plus those of New York, Pennsylvania and Maryland, sent representatives to the meeting in Albany, which convened June 19 and continued to July 11, 1754. The Carolinas, Georgia, Delaware and New Jersey did not participate, presumably because they were not on the front line of any potential conflict. For some reason not at all clear to me, neither did Virginia, which had the largest territory to defend against the French and Indians.

“The Conference of Albany” was supposed to be talking about coordinated actions and attitudes toward French and Indians. Perhaps it was natural for the conference to be dominated by Benjamin Franklin’s Albany Plan.

Franklin, ever the combination of practical man of affairs and visionary thinker, proposed that the colonists create a “grand council” that would have jurisdiction over Indian affairs. As matters stood, each colony dealt with various tribes, and so the Mohawks, say, might sign a treaty with New York that ignored or contradicted a treaty signed with Pennsylvania. The jumble of competing jurisdictions made everyone’s life complicated. Franklin proposed that the various legislatures create the council and cede it sole power to deal with the Indians. He wasn’t thinking of a federal government (as far as anybody knows), but of a sort of specialized supra-colonial legislative agency confined to one set of problems.

The King would appoint an executive, who together with a Grand Council selected by the colonial legislatures would be responsible for Indian affairs, military preparedness, and enforcement of laws regulating trade and finance. An equivalent today might be one of those compacts of states that deal with the problems of a multi-state river system, like the Colorado or the headwaters of Chesapeake Bay. A different analogy might be the Coal and Steel Community that was set up in Europe after World War II, that grew to become the Common Market and eventually the European Community.

(Some think that the example of the Iroquois confederation inspired the Albany Plan. Mainstream historians tend to credit English precedents, instead, as more familiar to colonial legislators.)

In any case, it never got off the ground.

The delegates approved a plan calling for a grand council with jurisdiction over Indian affairs, consisting of delegates appointed by each colonial assembly and a president to be appointed by the Crown. The colonies’ legislatures rejected the plan, since it would encroach upon their powers. The Colonial Office rejected the plan, perhaps because it had been hoping for some kind of unified military command. The British Board of Trade turned it down, too.

And that was the end of the matter. Or – was it?

The Albany Congress marked the first time that various colonies had met to discuss a common concern. Even though the Southern colonies were absent, it was a beginning. It would become the precedent for the Stamp Act Congress in 1765 and, much more importantly, the First Continental Congress in 1774, which as we have seen led directly if not immediately first to the Articles of Confederation and then to the Constitution.

Franklin, in 1789:

“On reflection it now seems probable, that if the foregoing plan or some thing like it, had been adopted and carried into execution, the subsequent separation of the colonies from the mother country might not so soon have happened, nor the mischiefs suffered on both sides have occurred, perhaps during another century. For the colonies, if so united, would have really been, as they then thought themselves, sufficient to their own defense, and being trusted with it, as by the plan, an army from Britain, for that purpose would have been unnecessary: The pretences for framing the Stamp Act would not then have existed, nor the other projects for drawing a revenue from America to Britain by Acts of Parliament, which were the cause of the breach, and attended with such terrible expense of blood and treasure: so that the different parts of the Empire might still have remained in peace and union.”

Maybe so, maybe no. In any case, that isn’t the way it happened.